Google+

Posts, Likes and Comments in the Aftermath of Death

In the aftermath of the recent Paris terror attacks, Facebook introduced the feature of superimposing the French flag on one’s profile picture. Anyone wishing to display his or her solidarity and grief with the nation could choose this option. While many debates surrounding this feature have been political (such as why Facebook had not provided the same feature with the Lebanese flag symbolising the Beirut bombings), the thought that came to my mind was how social media had become, amongst other things (like displaying solidarity), an acceptable platform to grieve. 

            A study conducted in 2010, found that Facebook and MySpace users were more likely to visit the page of a recently deceased individual, immediately after learning of their death, than otherwise. More interestingly, the study also found that visitation continued much longer after death. Such behaviour highlights the cemetery-like feature that social media networks imbibe; users are given a memorial site for the dead, where they can go to pay their respects via writing posts or sharing pictures, and thereby mourn death within a cyber community setting. In fact, Facebook has even begun memorialising profiles of deceased individuals, thus creating a cyber grave.

            But does engaging in such an intimate and private behaviour on such a wide public platform help users? Research shows that one of the most striking findings in this area has been that while many friends view the profile of a deceased person or visit their memorial page, a very small percentage actually interact visibly with the deceased or others on such pages (either through posts, likes, comments or messages). However, all individuals in the study indicated finding support and peace by simply reading what others had written, regardless of their own level of interaction. For the same reason, very few expressed their desire to ‘de-friend’ the deceased individual, finding comfort in having a visible bond much after the death of their friend. Thus, the Facebook profile becomes a unique way of coping with the death of a friend or loved one.

            Social media is transforming the way that we mourn, both for the grievers as well as sympathisers. On a positive front, it allows a community to come together, and openly communicate their support and lend their shoulders; this has enabled individuals to both transform their capacities to comfort the grieving, and also set up an environment allowing the bereaved to express themselves completely. While it has been found that receiving social support does not necessarily aid in the recovery process in the aftermath of death, it does decrease the depressive symptoms that follow suit. Overall, this might help an individual in overcoming the death of their loved one.

            More interestingly, research is now focused on understanding the differences between online and offline grieving.  It is unsurprising to note that the online grieving process could follow the same path as traditional grief models. For instance, online grieving normalises the grief experience and allows individuals to work through the pain of losing their loved one. Another more important process is that it enables individuals to forge a continuing bond with the deceased, which traditional grief models suggest as being one of the most important steps of the grieving process. However, it may also lead to people to getting stuck in a virtual reality; the deceased may become immortal in the cyber world, which may then affect the living’s ability to accept the reality of their death.

            Some might argue that though online grieving helps, it remains largely impersonal and superficial due to the lack of personal interaction, thus defeating the purpose of providing support. Others argue that exposing yourself to the internet at such a vulnerable time might draw the flak of anonymous users, through trolls and abuses, thus creating an environment opposite to the one required to grieve. A specific problem related to memorialising Facebook profiles is that it might contain content that causes distress to family and loved ones; particularly in sensitive cases such as if the deceased individual has been the victim of violence. For example, the English media recently reported that a young woman’s memorialised Facebook profile contained pictures of her and her boyfriend (who had murdered her), which deeply disturbed her family members. However, when they requested Facebook executives to remove such content, they were refused on grounds that the individual’s profile had been frozen, and could no longer be amended. This made it difficult for the family to move on and gain closure. Such limitations remain a reality of the Internet world, but it is important to note that the benefits of online grieving might sometimes be more powerful than the negatives.

            More research is still required to completely understand the ways in which grieving through social media helps people. In the same way that people share their happiness through social networks, so also are they beginning to express their grief. With Twitter announcing their intention to improve their policies with regards to handling death and tragic situations, the onus now lies on social networking sites to adapt their services to facilitate the psychologically healthy expression and experience of grief. Needless to say, thanks to social media, the way that society mourns the loss of the dead, continues and will continue to evolve. 

Ahuti Das

           

           

           

           

             

             

             

How Chocolate Understands

The story began with it serving as a staple drink to the people of Mesoamerica, centuries ago. Today, it is one of the most loved and widely consumed foods in the world. Theobroma cacao, commonly known as chocolate, has enchanted and mystified us for years. After all, its name hails it as the ‘food of the Gods.’

And we treat it so. Our most exquisite preparations contain chocolate. It is crafted to perfection, to satisfy the irresistible love we harbour for it. It is a part of our celebration and our despair. And for good reason.

Chocolate has proven to produce a positive influence on mood (Macht & Dettmer, 2006). Through its various components, this highly complex compound produces biological effects that are nearly impossible to replicate. One of chocolate’s major components is phenylethylamine (PEA), commonly known as the “love drug.” PEA stimulates the release of endorphins, dopamine and norepinephrine—neurotransmitters that are involved in the feelings of euphoria and love.

In fact, the association between chocolate and love is so strong that language often takes on this characteristic in describing the emotion. ‘Love is sweet’, ‘sour grapes’, ‘jealousy is bitter’ are commonly used phrases in English, ones that draw parallel between our emotions and tastes. Chang, Tong, Tan and Koh (2006) found that love is, indeed, associated with sweetness and jealousy with bitterness. Further, individuals experiencing love perceived chocolate as sweeter than those experiencing jealousy. This perceptual judgement suggests a possible tendency towards consuming sweet things such as chocolate when in love!

Given such mood enhancing and powerful effects of chocolate, it is frequently consumed as a comfort food, and is a highly craved dessert. Women show a great liking and craving for chocolate, particularly during the premenstrual period (Rozin, Levine, & Stoess, 1991). One probable explanation for this is the differences in the brain’s reactivity to chocolate. Smeets et al. (2006) found sex differences in the effect of chocolate satiation on brain activation, particularly in the hypothalamus, ventral striatum, and medial prefrontal cortex. This could play a vital role in making chocolate more appealing to women.

And while many of us resort to chocolate during times of need and despair, its long-term effectiveness is far from established. Several studies have been conducted to explore how chocolate helps relieve stress. One particular study by Wirtz et al. (2014) found dark chocolate to be an effective means of buffering stress reactivity in human beings. As an anti-depressant, chocolate serves the purpose of hedonistic pleasure but is more likely to prolong the dysphoric mood. Irrespective, its consumption does offer mood elevation, even if these benefits are ephemeral (Parker, Parker, & Brotchie, 2006).

Importantly, these perceived feelings of comfort and warmth depend on the type of chocolate. Gámbaro et al. (2012) found that milk chocolate is most strongly associated with warmth, positive feelings, and is generally most loved. Dark chocolate is perceived as healthy, but there is a tendency to view white chocolate as overly sweet and greasy.

Chocolate’s ability to influence our moods and emotions does not lie simply in its taste. Chocolate appeals to all our senses, one of the strongest being to the olfactory sense. A study by Doucé et al. (2013) pointed towards the scent of chocolate influencing consumer behaviour. More specifically, the aroma encouraged general approach behaviour while negatively influencing goal-directed behaviour in a bookstore. The aroma of chocolate can thus play an influential role in consumer attention. It is evident in the rise of advertising of chocolate-scented deodorants. After all, who can miss a chocolate man walking down the street, turning all women’s heads?

Thus, chocolate, in all its divinity, does a lot more than satisfying our taste. It can influence, uplift and alter experiences in myriad ways researchers are yet to completely decode. Individual chemistry, too, plays an important role and thus there will always be a few quirky individuals who remain completely indifferent to this creation.

For the rest of us, follow the words of Remus Lupin and, ‘Eat. You’ll feel better.’

Chinmayee Kantak




Sacred Nudging: Behavioural and Social Change Through Moral Priming

Public health in India has long been plagued by the problem of open defecation and public urination, consequently creating barriers to maintain sanitation and hygiene in rapidly urbanizing environments (UNICEF, 2015). While open defecation remains a predominantly rural problem (only 12% of urban India faces this problem), public urination continues to harm the fabric of urban growth in India. In the context of the recently launched Swachh Bharat Abhiyan (Clean India Campaign), the need to remedy public urination in India's cities has re-emerged as a key challenge to achieving cleaner cities, and instilling a greater sense of civic duty in residents.

A number of studies in India (and abroad) have shown that open defecation can have deleterious effects on nutrition (Spears, Ghosh, & Cumming, 2013), cognitive development , and overall economic productivity (Research Institute for Compassionate Economics, 2015). Accordingly, government policies have adopted a mix of tools to address this problem: everything from cash incentives to constructing toilets (Kaiser, 2015), to celebrity social messages, to constructing the toilets themselves. While it may be too early to evaluate the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan for impacts, it is clear that open defecation presents a unique and persistent public health challenge for rural India.

Given that building toilets and granting access is not the core problem, academic studies (and eventually policy) turned their attention to social and behavioural norms that may be underlying open defecation. Gertler, Shah, Alzua, and Cameron (2015) studied the impact of community-led sanitation interventions in villages from two districts in rural Madhya Pradesh. They found a 10% reduction in open defecation rates as a result of the intervention, pointing towards the idea that ‘shaming’ (and thus social norms) significantly deter individual decisions to defecate in the open (Pattanayak et al., 2009). These effects are somewhat amplified when community leaders take efforts to curb unsanitary practices in the village (Lamba & Spears, 2013; Rommel & Janssen, 2015), suggesting that influential persons may be key complementarities to effective public policy (Banerjee, Chandrasekhar, Duflo, & Jackson, 2014). Indeed, among the more interesting findings related to open defecation alludes to traditional Hindu norms of ‘untouchability’ and ‘purity’, which deters them from using toilets even if good quality facilities are available in their homes (Coffey, Gupta, & Hathi, 2014). This qualitative study found that caste-based social rules influence decisions of use of pit-based latrines built in their homes.

If using a toilet at home violates norms of sacredness, then perhaps public urination is not a completely inexplicable act of public nuisance. Ironically, religious imagery is commonplace when it comes to preventing vandalism and public nuisance in India, but the effects of using such imagery are yet to be rigorously or empirically assessed. Given that ideas of the ‘sacred’ play an important role in sanitation decisions, it is worth exploring how they can be harnessed to address problems of public urination. Solutions to the problem of public urination and defacement include (but are not restricted to) painting of street art reflecting historical and cultural motifs; public shaming; use of water cannons to hose down offenders; and cash incentives to use public toilets. Each have experienced varied levels of success in their respective cities, but so far no one-size-fits-all approach has been used across cities and states. The use of imagery or text that is perceived to be sacred (in the religious context) fits broadly into the framework of choice architecture and nudging (Thaler & Sunstein, 2008), as a method to alter malpractices such as public urination without explicitly forbidding the practice itself.

While some of these nudges have come at an institutional level, others have operated at a smaller scale, usually for a particular building or community. This offers scope for scaling up the intervention using a combination of sacred imagery, social shaming by religious and cultural (sacred) institutions, and/or cash benefits. Ultimately, any case for social and behavioural change will have to be made in the context of the costs of status-quo for public health in India's cities, where improving sanitation is a key challenge. In invoking the sacred and priming citizens with morality, perhaps the threat posed by public urination can be communicated subtly, thereby aiding the improvement of public health and sanitation in cities. Being a deeply religious nation, religious imagery is an apt starting point to induce behaviour change, especially in the public realm. Using the sacred to instil a sense of civic duty may seem underhanded, but is nevertheless ingenious in this context.

Anirudh Tagat